Friday, September 26, 2008

FDB = FrauDulent Bastards

Well folks maybe we are drawing a long bow but is it not plausible that Mathew Henderson and @ndy are just puppets of the state. Hell the friends they keep have a track record of being involved in a fair bit of cloak and dagger for the Government of the day.

Is it not plausible that if you all co habitat the same cess pool you must all be the same type of creature? I reckon. In this article you will see a few familiar faces. Hell they have been around a long time. Most if not all names mentioned are personal friends or have been associated with FDB and slackbastard. In fact we could say that people such as @ndy know these people from Melbourne on a personal basis. You will note that they are not Anarchists but Judges, Jews, reporters, frauds and the mentally deranged.

You see FDB and @ndy are nothing but a continuation of the work that was established by the Government many years ago. They are not a community-based group. Well unless the community you live in is populated by the ruling class.

David Greason: ‘Racism Expert’: Credibility Exploded

P. Giannopoulos 1998

David Greason has been proclaimed by the media as an expert upon the so-called "Australian Extreme-Right". From his current position with Australia-Israel Review, and through Without Prejudice magazine and in the mainstream media, he has assailed in print (for years) an array of Nationalist, patriotic and conservative organisations as diverse as Australian National Action, the League of Rights, the National Republicans, the Australia First Party and the One Nation Party. Greason's book - I WAS A TEENAGE FASCIST [1994] - has been uncritically accepted by countless academics, politicians and journalists as source material, not only on the internal affairs of various pro-Australian groups of the late 1970's until 1982, but as an expose of the allegedly unsavoury lives of persons involved therein.

The book was also designed to build the credibility of Greason that he may play the role of expert-commentator in the 1990's. The book was launched by Victorian Opposition Leader, John Brumby, in 1994. It was praised by Justice Marcus Einfeld (Mathew Hendersons mate)and was lauded by the Extreme Left sects such as the Democratic Socialist Party/Resistance and the International Socialist Organisation.

With this sort of political push, Greason has appeared as a mobiliser of activist "anti-racist" opinion, a brave soul who fought the "racist-fascism" within himself and who tore the mask off the new enemy of Australian capitalist democracy.

And the truth? Greason plagiarised his book. An ironic revelation demonstrated his malice. In 1995, Greason used his position as literary editor of Melbourne's HERALD-SUN (see comments section)to pillory the unfortunate Helen Darville a.k.a. "Helen Demidenko" for the plagiarism contained in her award-winning THE HAND THAT SIGNED THE PAPER [Herald-Sun 26 August 1995; Herald-Sun 25 Sept. 1995; Herald-Sun 7 October 1995].

Not only had Greason noted her supposed plagiarism of word and theme, he accused Demidenko of historical fabrication; he even urged she receive medical (psychological) treatment. The proverbial chickens have come home to roost. David Greason is himself guilty of plagiarism - subtle and not so subtle "rewrites"'of word and theme; Greason may also have deliberately opted to live out another man's life-theme.

David Greason's I WAS A TEENAGE FASCIST is a substantial plagiarism of Cecil Herbert Sharpley's THE GREAT DELUSION: THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF A COMMUNIST LEADER [1952]. Interconnectedly, he also plagiarised Sharpley's I WAS A COMMUNIST LEADER series of articles from the HERALD-SUN April 17-24 1949.

DAVID GREASON, the expert who isn't, is a ghost who talks. But the plagiarism did not end with Sharpley's work. When this expose now before you was first published in 1995, there was still more to be uncovered. A special hurried postscript to the text (now another section) referred appropriately to Greason's plagiarism of Ray Hill's THE OTHER SIDE OF TERROR: INSIDE EUROPE'S NEO-NAZI NETWORK (London: Grafton Books, 1988). It was imagined this would finalise the issue nicely. But it did not. Greason's book was plagiarised from two other sources also, revealed here publicly for the first time. In this regard, the present author must thank a Doctor Of Philosophy student at an Australian University for this information.

The urgency for this new document was caused by David Greason himself. In July 1998, he leapt into a new "fame" as joint editor of Australia-Israel Review when he published some 1700 names and addresses of One Nation Party members. (Sounds like FDB)This effort followed weeks of distorted journalism concerning the various patriotic groups in the lead-up to the Queensland State Election of June 23 1998. He cannot now complain if evidence concerning his essential intellectual dishonesty is available to all.

We begin at the beginning.

1. PARALLEL LIVES Cecil Herbert Sharpley (born 1908) was an Englishman who migrated to Australia in 1928; he eventually settled in Melbourne in 1930. In 1935, he joined the Communist Party. He remained in the CPA until 1948, when "disillusioned" - he resigned. In April 1949 Sharpley maligned the CPA (after discussions with state and federal political police) in the national media and offered himself as the star witness in the 1949-50 Victorian Royal Commission on Communism; by then, he was being "debriefed" by the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation [ASIO]. His 1952 autobiography was a source of continuous embarrassment to the CPA; in 1994 Sharpley's ASIO and other records were released to Australian Archives.

David Greason (born 1961) arrived in Australia from England in 1969 and was eventually domiciled in Melbourne. He drifted into various so called "right wing" organisations in 1976 and, finally "disillusioned" by 1982, he quit the scene. In 1983 (after his release from a psychiatric hospital) he was debriefed by Federal Police. In 1984, he surfaced as a public speaker hosted by the International Socialist Organisation (ISO) specifically working to "expose" Australian National Action. After some years he was approached by ASIO to render "opinions" on the best method to deal with certain "Right" organisations and played some role in a major disinformation article published in the Bulletin (Lyndall Crisp, "Harvest of Hate", 4 April 1989). His 1994 book of mistruths and fabrication was of course intended to embarrass a number of activists of past and present.

This brief precis of two parallel lives should remind us of an off-misused quotation from Karl Marx: "History does repeat itself: first time as tragedy, second as farce".


A comparison of the Sharpley/Greason books indicated that Greason certainly read THE GREAT DELUSION; the notion reasonably occurred to him that it was essential to create a plausible scenario for his drift through the "Extreme Right" and his supposed eventual realisation of their moral bankruptcy.

Of course, the two stories must be different; after all, they are separated by nearly 50 years and describe different ideologies. The plagiarism is therefore like the scaffolding or the skeleton for a corpus of lies.

Greason logically saw the Sharpley experience as a type of model and wrote Sharpley into his script.

Perhaps the titles of Sharpley's articles - I WAS A COMMUNIST LEADER - nearly "translated" as I WAS A TEENAGE FASCIST. Perhpas actual similarities in their lives drove Greason to a deliberate plagiarism. We cannot be sure. But the evidence is very, very, clear. Hereafter, the page numbers appear from the works of the respective authors.

(i) Sharpley had an exaggerated feeling for his mother (3). Greason (5 - 40 and elsewhere) is not uncritical of his mother (ie. her bland English chauvinism towards Australia), but credits her for sustaining his life in Australia; for her, he has an enduring affection given his family was dysfunctional.

(ii) Sharpley says he was "somewhat excluded from boys of my own age and their normal pastimes. There developed a loneliness in my thoughts." (2) Greason developed this theme at inordinate llength (19 - 23, 146 - 148) sometimes viewing as "pathetic" his childhood-adolescent friendships/activities.

(iii) Sharpley purportedly began his political awakening at the Melbourne Public Library. (8) Greason claims to have initiated his researches at a school library (35 - 36) and later at the La Trobe (State) Public Library. (66, 143)

(iv) Sharpley left the Labor Party for the CPA:"the Labor Party had regarded with detachment my growing enthusiasm to change the world ... I was influenced by the atmosphere of adventure in the Communist Party ... A last battle was joined." (9 - 10)

Greason eventually left the "National Front of Australia" for the "Australian National Alliance" in 1978. He tells a jumbled story, this way:"The other members, all in their mid-20's were smashing. I couldn't understand a blind bit of what they were saying, but they were smashing rogues, intellectuals, how exciting they were ..." (155) "The Alliance is the way forward. There's more than our pride at stake. We've got the Nation to think of (206); "everything had to be a great adventure for me." (40)

(v) Sharpley was called to the CPA offices for his inductions: "The Communist headquarters were in Little Bourke Street, an unsavoury part of Melbourne frequented by criminals and illicit gamblers... Before leading me up the twisting unlit staircase..."(11).

Greason located the League Of Rights as a curious 14 year old : " I managed to trace them... to the Pressgrove Buildings ... I found myself in this slightly grimy arcade on the ground floor of this old building... I must take a creaky old lift (40).

(vi) Sharpley described his meeting with CPA official, Jack Blake; he's told by another Communist:- "This is an important interview and you are very privileged to be seen by Comrade Blake. They must hope for big things for you" (11).

Greason was allegedly told by a League of Rights official; "You know... that you could be our great White Hope, and I thought: this is more than I could dream of" (72).

(vii) Sharpley conferred with Blake in an intense meeting at which he joins the ranks of international communism (12-13). Greason meets Eric Butler, National Director of the League of Rights and is taken seriously as part of the League fraternity; he is impressed (13-14).

(viii) Sharpley came to resent rank and file CPA members as : "...(9) unhappy background, indifferent education, very poor circumstances, dead end jobs and even childless marriages with few opportunities to express their personalities ... They are promised an adventure... human yearning to get hold of a little power" (48).

Greason gave a description of a "Nazi" couple (who were in fact "childless" though he failed to mention it) poor white trash with dreams of world domination talking the same old rubbish of our sort always talked on nights like this" (189). SEE ALSO below (Greason (262)) where the plagiarism here is even clearer.

[ix] Sharpley lost faith in Communism early on: "I should have left the Communist Party two years after I joined... I had lost much faith in Communism and all faith in the majority of my colleagues. I remained... for a further 12 years and I rose to a high rank ... trusted by my colleagues as a faithful Communist" (113-114).

Greason has a similar crisis of faith after discovery of an unsavoury person in "National Alliance": "Arh, I should have cut my losses and f***ed off, I was still only eighteen (220) ... I'd never be able to wipe this stuff from my mind. It was funny how I'd think about them... (221). Still if I'd quit the party, I would have had to take up something else, it was just my way... (223). Greason decided to continue on and bury his disaffection.

[x] Eventually Sharpley felt the pressure : "The mental conflict was physically disturbing and brought poor health and a feeling of utter demoralisation" (115).

Greason's version (part one) is: "So I went off on sick leave and I was seeing the department psychologist and doing aptitude tests and I had this idea... I could pull the shirker's bonanza; put my hand up and say, sorry I've been driven completely mad... and get pensioned off" (266). Greason described the circumstances around this crisis at some length. And further (part two): "Fat, spotty, sexually and socially inept, no money, no job, no self esteem.." (271).

[xi] Sharpley feared the consequences of deserting the CPA, "... difficulty I saw in removing myself physically from the Communists... It was well within the bounds of possibility that violent hands would be laid on me (115). I know how vindictive, vengeful and violent the Communists could be when one deserted the ranks" (117).

Greason dramatises : " I wanted to die rather than unravel it all, really I would rather have died (293). I finally acknowledged that I was the sort of person who my comrades would have killed" (294).

[xii] Sharpley described some communist special members: "Those I met appeared... to be men and women of high intelligence, wide learning..."(49) Greason described some "National Alliance" members as: "If others in the Alliance had any common trait, it was that if being self- taught ... The Alliance guys had read a bit wider..." (158).

[xiii] Lastly, we include two extracts (Sharpley 119) and (Greason 297-298). Sharpley recounts his dream; Greason's dream he recorded in a supposed diary. "Hill" is E.F. Hill, CPA official and later leader of the Maoist-line Communist Party of Australia (Marxist-Leninist); "Jim" is Jim Saleam the Chairman of Australian National Action between 1982-89.

THE GREAT DELUSION ex-colleagues were now in search of me. I had not flattered myself that they would fail to find me.

I was run to earth in the first week in February.

Coming from the great orchard one evening, tired, hungry and dusty, I saw two of them waiting for me on the roadside. I had already prepared myself for a delicate and risky interview, and now, as I approached them, I knew pretty well how to handle it. There they were now only a few yards from me, and it seemed to me that they appeared to be more embarrassed, even troubled, than angry.

How quickly a scene can flash through the human mind.. Even during the seconds which passed as with apparent unconcern, I approached them, I recalled a nightmarish night before, when I had dream I had endured the awakened in a hot sweat of fear. I had dreamt that Oke and Hill of the Party Executive had suddenly come into my tent and had promptly begun a fierce interrogation. They had asked pointed questions. They had made fierce accusations. Questions and answers were a confusing jumble until, in my dream, I heard Oke growl "Oh, what's the use - out with him! Drown him! Suffocate him in dust - but out with him!" And at once a large number of other men with blank, unrecognisable faces had rushed in and dragged me from the tent.


But I still have the dreams, even now. Here's one out of the diary.

4 July 1993:

I'm walking down a main street at night, much like the street where we stayed in Auckland. I pass a besser block building, set back from the street on a waste patch of land, its, windows covered. in chicken wire. A yellow light is coming from the building. I think I can see people inside. This must be the National Action headquarters.. I walk on and there on the street are a couple of stalls. They're manned by skinheads and are selling NA literature. I approach one, pick up some leaflets and (I think) stickers. I recall thinking that I should be careful, that choosing particular items could raise suspicions that I'm not just an ordinary shopper. I go to pay for them, and the young man (who I don't recognise) says my name as he's handing over the change. He knows who I am, but doesn't seem too fussed by it. He then says, "If you want to see Jim, he's over there. Jim comes over, smiling and extending his hand. He tickles my palm with his index finger as he's doing so, what we used to call a Poofter's handshake at school. We joke about being opposite sides. Then I wake up..

The "dreams" are different; however, the dramatic flourish establishes for each the uniqueness of his moral "march from evil". The mathematical odds for Greason authoring such similar dream material is too high for rational contemplation.

Would Greason produce his "Diary" for analysis?


Greason was seemingly "on the lookout" for useful smear and sensitive script. It seems he found a few excellent pieces in Sharpley's I WAS A COMMUNIST LEADER (Sharpley page number quotes from Sydney Morning Herald pamphlet of the entire series; Greason page references per his book).

(i) The biographical "lead" into Sharpley's series of articles claimed he "began training in England for the Anglican ministry".

Greason recounts an interest in religion - scientology (23-4), Victorian Spiritualists Union (24), Presbyterians (25) and a desire to "set up my own religion" (26) "I just wanted to have a congregation". But Greason couldn't believe in God (26). Interestingly (although we cannot deal with it here), Greason's book suppressed much of his Sydney life 1981-82, which involved liaisons with scientologists, Orange People, Hare Krshna and enquiries on how to join the Catholic priesthood.

(ii) Sharpley claims he "was disgusted by what I saw of the opportunism, incompetence and shear laziness of some Labor politicians"

(3). Never losing the chance for good phraseology Greason talked of: incompetence and an assumption "that things could start moving again if I took control..."(275). He even accused the media of hopeless incompetence in dealing with allegedly racist groups. (He now of course is efficient in his exposes?!) (202) and : "I'd often read the identikit pictures of those attracted to our politics: the underachievers, the frustrated, the weak, the emotionally crippled, the bullies..."(262).

(iii) "Despite its discipline and its expulsions, the Australian Communist Party is not a happy family", says Sharpley (10). Any radical force against a malevolent state power automatically appropriates to itself "morality"; of course, on occasion no such entity comes up to its own standard.

Greason seized upon the truism.

Greason's text is replete with internal plots (223-41), hatreds (290, 265) pettiness (266). All good muck, but one ponders its truth. There is no witness, but Greason.

(iv] Sharpley maintains: "It isn't until he is under the rigid discipline of the party that he learns gradually of the other and deeper aims" (151).

Naturally, Sharpley was referring to the darker cause of proletarian dictatorship and the application of revolutionary techniques; but Greason gave it an incredible twist. The secret of those he called Nationalists was occultish (284-287). In this incredible segment, Greason claims leaders of "National Alliance" were in touch with Atlantis by means of a ouija board and members of their organisation, thought themselves reincarnations of French revolutionary figures: "the core ideology was ... bizarre". "I'd struggled with the idea that we had a hidden agenda".

How Greason came up with this, could only be guessed at. The CPA - Sharpley tale could involve something close to the fears of 1950's Australia; Greason opted for the occult and psychodisturbance.

The effect was meant to be - the same.

There is one (perhaps) suggestive aspect of this creative fiction - almost a hint from Greason's mind. He records he had an interest in ouija boards (16) and described at some lengths playing with such a board.


Those maligned by Greason's I WAS A TEENAGE FASCIST understood it was a careful fabrication with crafted conversations, events and "thoughts" (and peppered with rancorous abuse), although their chagrin can hardly be our present concern.

The author has taken time to interview many of those affected by Greason's text. Taken individually and on any one point, it is not necessarily to be assumed that their respective account of a matter is to be intrinsically accepted over Greason's. However, what is significant is the total pattern of repudiation of Greason's accounts of any and all events.

Greason's subtle plagiarism of Sharpley's ideas and general theme, and the blending of his life with Sharpley's - raises serious doubts not only the veracity of I WAS A TEENAGE FASCIST but casts a proverbial pall over the credibility of Greason's "anti-racist" journalism and his duties as a contributor to the mainstream media.

By further evidence concerning the plagiarism engaged in by David Greason, we might be able to appreciate its political purpose.


In 1988, Ray Hill authored THE OTHER FACE OF TERROR with the assistance of the notorious Searchlight magazine. Hill had been an infiltrator of a swathe of British Nationalist, "right-wing", conservative and "Neo-Nazi" groups. For years he worked for Searchlight. This publication is openly linked to paranoid British Zionists (who some violently anti-Right activists on the Left, now accuse of encouraging ratbag "neo-nazis groups to disrupt the Right with "nazi" provocations aimed at the Left!) and political police agencies like Special Branch and Ml-5. It may be significant that Hill's task (and Greason's for the last 11 years) has been to "prove" that all Nationalist - patriotic - conservative organisations -are somehow "nazi". In particular, this nazi fetish came through in both books. Greason subtly plagiarised Hill's book to describe a bizarre "nazi" work from the U.S. - The Turner Diaries.

Hill wrote: "..a novel published in the United States written by nazi National Alliance Leader William Pierce. The Turner Diaries is a fictional account of a race war launched in the U.S. by a small group of underground fanatics which culminates in genocide and nuclear war. This type of scenario is printed in the book as the only feasible means of re-establishing white domination across the globe" (296).

Greason described this strange book this way: "I came to read the Turner Diaries, a futuristic novel by Andrew Macdonald, which was really a pseudonym for Dr. William Pierce, the director of the U.S. National Alliance ... the Turner Diaries told of an underground army.... that overthrows a Jewish controlled U.S. government.. while at the same time destroying Israel in a nuclear attack to establish an Aryan Nation and a new world order" (240).

(Note: there was no relationship between the Australian and American groups called "National Alliance".)

There are other very subtle similarities between the postscript (291-298) in Hill's book and Greason's last chapter "The Right True End"; both review international Right trends. Greason at 230-232 also "meshes" with Hill over ideological descriptions concerning something called "Strasserism" and the alleged activities of Italian Extreme Rightists (292-200). These similarities are so intertwined and pervasive we could not (for space reasons) deal with them here.

We shall let Greason deny it.


here was also a curious personal parallel between Ray Hill and Greason. In March 1984 just as Hill "came out" on television to expose the British "Extreme-Right", Greason was lurking in Melbourne preparing - or being prepared - for his move.

Hill said:"a series of meetings was organised around the country where I spoke to trade union branches, Labour Party groups, anti-racists, and other(s).. about my time in the far -right and what I felt had to be done with the threat of increasingly violent racist organisations".

Greason also want on a speaking tour in May-June-July 1984 speaking to similar audiences around Australia. Greason focused also on Leftist groups, building their courage to confront the "racists".

The Hill parallel should cause interested parties to question: DOES GREASON NOT ALSO WORK FOR SPECIALISED GROUPS whose objective is to incite confrontation? Is not Australia-Israel Review trying to become a sort of "respectable" Searchlight?


The title I WAS A TEENAGE FASCIST certainly had its echo in the definite statement of Sharpley: I WAS A COMMUNIST LEADER. However, the actual title itself was also directly suggested in an article which apppeared in the magazine of the ultra-Left sect, the Spartacist League. In Australasian Spartacist, No.86, July 1981, pp.11, 14-15 we can read: "Dawn McEwan's Flight From Trotskyism: I Was A Teenage Sectarian".

Greason has told us of his interest in the Spartacist League (244-247). He claimed to have empathised with their sense of marxist certainty, their clear answers to whatever problem beset them or the world.

The McEwan piece concerned a young girl who spent a few years with Spartacism, whose energy flagged and who questioned the ideology of the group.

It is argued here that Greason was almost certainly aware of the text given his obvious understanding of the ins and outs of the Spartacist ideology. Did Greason borrow this text also?

It seems that he did.


In 1996, after the publication of Greason's work, an autobiographical "defector" piece appeared. It was FUHRER EX - THE MEMOIRS OF A FORMER NEO-NAZI. The author was Ingo Hasselbach, an East German neo-nazi. Hasselbach had reputedly been a prominent neo-nazi militant after the fall of the Berlin Wall. He participated in all aspects of activism until his conversion to an "anti-racist" position.

Naturally, if there were "similarities" between the Greason/Hasselbach books, it might be thought that, given the 1996 publication date for FUHRER EX, it would be this book which could theoretically owe something to Greason's piece. However, the Hasselbach book first apppeared in a simplified version in German in 1993. Was there a translation of this earlier text? Did David Greason have this?

The 1996 piece received the endorsement of Simon Weisenthal whose "nazi hunting" days are effectively over. Weisenthal, like Hasselbach in his Introduction (vii-xii), had a clear agenda: the neo-nazis were portrayed as the most powerful part of the Right; the messages of the neo-nazis were blurred with the programmes of nationalist movements; the message of the neo-nazis was the most dangerous "pure hatred", the "wastewater of the Third Reich" in the "sewer" beneath modern Germany.

In 1994, Greason was involved in the Australian tour of Yaron Svoray, a Jewish man who acted for the Simon Weisenthal Centre in Los Angeles, in the infiltration of certain German neo-nazi sects. Svoray wrote a book IN HITLER'S SHADOW, a ridiculous piece which castigated German prosecutors who refused to accept his "evidence" of huge neo-nazi groups in their country with a potential "fuhrer" in the wings. An objective reading of Svoray's work, particularly the section which dealt with the "confrontation" with German prosecutors, would show the book to be fraudulent nonsense.

Svoray's infiltration-work dated around 1992-3 and was contemporaneous with Hasselbach's self-removal from the neo-nazi scene. It is well known that Australia-Israel Review has close links with the Simon Weisenthal Centre.

The textual similarities between the Greason and Hasselbach books are recorded with page numbers.

(i) Greason reported his physical desire for an Asian prostitute (242-3). Hasselbach said he had conducted an affair with an Asian prostitute (176).

(ii) Greason argued at some length that his adolescence was a difficult one and advanced considerable detail about it (5-30). Hasselbach's life was more colourful than the introverted English migrant's suburban existence, but the main point was one of alienation (3-40).

(iii) The idea of personal bravery in the face of actual threats of violence and the living threat of possible violence featured in both works. Each penitent has had to struggle to get free of former "kamerads" and reach a new life of anti-racist redemption.

Greason (295-311) and Hasselbach (356-8, 370) assert these personalisms at length.

Hasselbach also became a noted speaker around the German "anti-racist" scene and has been sought out for "tactical" advice. Greason has had similar status usually with the politically insensible International Socialists.

It is fairly concluded that David Greason has integrated parts of Hasselbach's story into his own, thanks to various contacts who provided close information.


The scripts provided by certain Zionist organisations should be carefully examined. A wariness of "anti-racist" information from these groups should be exercised and this caution has nothing to do with the "anti-semitism" of their collective imagination. Ever since leading Australian Jewish community figure Isi Leibler, authored THE ISRAEL-DIASPORA IDENTITY CRISIS: A LOOMING DISASTER, we must ask whether "anti-semitism" might occasionally be engineered. In response to the low birth rates of Jewish groups and high inter-marriage, Leibler wrote: "..anti-semitism can no longer be relied upon as a strengthening element of Jewish identity. Anti-semitic discrimination .. has been virtually eliminated".

Quoting a Jewish authority, Leibler added: "..we can no longer rely on the anti-semites or the Arabs to keep us Jewish."

The self-appointed function of Australia-Israel Review seems to be to locate anti-semitism everywhere and "opppose" it. This could serve the prescription for identity-preservation.

This returns us to the pressure under which David Greason wrote his book and may explain the materials used by him. It cannot be said if this is true, but given the hysterical nature of Australia-Israel Review, it could be so. Whatever the truth, it is up to David Greason to repudiate these specific assertions.

Anti-anti-semitism serves as a political propaganda in several countries now faced with problems derived of non-European immigration and the assorted failed policies of multiculturalism. By refocusing this debate on a non-reality, Establishment forces manage to ensure patriotic organisations are continually fighting an irrelevant bush-war. The purposes of this propaganda for particular Zionist leaders meshes with these other requirements.

Recently in Britain, it was revealed that the notorious neo-nazi organisation "Combat 18" was led by a Special Branch/MI-5 agent. His antics were "criticised" in Searchlight as big bad threats to the Jewish community and other minority groups. The neo-nazi violence was clearly controlled and used.

The present expose, by suggesting that an international script was available to David Greason, serves to focus the debate where it should be.


Because David Greason has been able to mount the platforms of the Extreme Left and speak as a "reformed racist", he has been able to persuade these organisations to mobilise against particular targets. The use of the smear that genuine nationalists and other patriots have a connection with the fringe politics of neo-nazism (an ideology we cannot define here other than to refer to race-hate, marginalised violence and a penchant to dress its politics in old straightjackets), has been accepted by the Extreme Left. Indeed, the Extreme Left now carries that cry loud and clear.

Because David Greason has had full access to the mass media, he has been able to promote the same line in a softer way to a wider audience.

The present expose shows that the standard bearer of the "line" has committed intellectual fraud.


t is now incumbent upon all nationalists and patriots to use the material recorded here in a mass approach. This means, integrating these facts with actual political struggle, with campaigns against the new tyranny of liberal-internationalism and its present-day "anti-racist" mania. The availability of this information now calls for the direct approach.

We know that the basics of the information before you have been known for some time. Silence has greeted it. Nothing from Australia-Israel Review, the Extreme-Left groups, the media groupies. We know that leaflets have been circulated by one group about this subject, and the first version of this document appeared as a booklet issued by another nationalist organisation. The silence told us that we hit a raw nerve. The Establishment protects its own. In the interim, you can judge the accuracy of this expose by the almost-inevitable silence with which it also will be greeted. But the facts will travel wide.

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