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Sunday, November 14, 2010

An object lesson for Negrophiles

The next time you see news stories or hear tales of woe emerging from the wretched island of Haiti and are assailed with the whining of the Lefty bleeding hearts imploring you to donate money to assist the denizens of that land perhaps you might copy and print out the following article and hand it to the nearest do-gooder. The Black creatures of that Hell hole have a particularly nasty and savage history that is every bit as bad as and probably even worse than Zimbabwe!

The Holocaustic History of Haiti

N.B. Forrest
April 1993

On the night of August 22, 1791, a blood-chilling ceremony took place in the western half of the island of Hispaniola. Boukman, a black slave and voodoo priest, presided over the rite. When he finished, masses of black slaves flowed down from the hills into the plantations 'that spread out across the great north plain of what was then the French colony of Saint-Domingue. Murder, rape, torture and the total destruction of the plantation system would follow, as would a dozen years of merciless warfare.

When it ended in 1803, France's richest colony would lie destitute, a smoking wasteland that was now the independent black republic of Haiti. The effects of these historical events have lasted unto this day. Haiti, misbegotten child of white France and black Africa, has spawned nothing but horror, poverty, disease and sporadic massacres. It stands as a weird and twisted Statue of Liberty for blacks everywhere, a storm signal of what many Negroes, perhaps most, would do to whites if given half the chance. Who really knows what lurks in the black heart. The French colonists of Saint-Domingue found out the hard way. Not that they had not asked for it.

The establishment of slavery in the New World was the greatest mistake ever made by whites. Left alone, Africans would still be rotting from yaws and eating their neighbours while lolling on the banks of the Niger and the Congo. The hunger for labour needed to clear a vast wilderness led to the transatlantic slave trade and tainted these lands forever. Not one to make moral judgments on our remote ancestors, all I can say is that it probably never occurred to them that they might be bringing the seeds of a time bomb to America, one that would blow up in the faces of their children's, children's children.

The whites of Saint-Domingue must shoulder an outsized share of the blame for what happened. Both the French government and the planters behaved atrociously to the slaves in their midst. They never realized, until it was too late, that they were dancing on the rim of a volcano. On the eve of the slave revolt, there were some 40,000 whites in Saint-Domingue, 30,000 free blacks and mulattos, and almost 500,000 slaves. At the best of times, French military resources in the colony were inadequate. These were not the best of times.

The French Revolution had erupted in 1789. Had the planters remained loyal to whatever government existed in France and minded their own business, it is unlikely that the racial insurrection would have occurred. As events unfolded, white colonists insisted in sending representatives to the National Assembly in Paris. It was a fateful misstep. The appearance of representatives from Saint-Domingue caused a sensation in France and triggered a raging political debate over the wisdom of admitting them to the National Assembly. The outcome was easy to predict in those troubled times. The colony was soon inundated with revolutionary propaganda.

Once the French had arrived in Saint-Domingue, they lost no time in engendering a cafe au lait population, the offspring of liaisons between Frenchmen and black women. In English colonies these mulattos were treated like pure-blooded blacks and sent off to the fields to cut cane as soon as they were big enough to wield a machete. The French, lacking the segregationist safeguards of the English, recognized their mixed-blood offspring, educated them and gave them land and status. Hating their fathers, despising their mothers, desperate to be white, the resentful mulattos were the most avid readers of the revolutionary pamphlets, which preached the doctrine of racial equality. As they digested this mind-boggling message, the laws that still set them apart from the whites, such as being denied certain political "rights” It burned inside them like hot coals.

In March 1790 voting rights, with property restrictions, were granted by the Paris government to all white men over 25. When Abbe Gregoire, a prating, anti-racist priest, proposed that the mulattos be given the franchise, he was hooted down. But the spark had been struck. A young mulatto, Oge, enraged by this slight against him and his hybrid comrades, tried to instigate a revolt without enlisting the slaves. A proud mulatto would never make common cause with mere slaves! At least not yet. Oge was captured and broken on the wheel.

In May 1791 the National Assembly, now on a slippery slope, granted the vote to all male mulattos born of two free parents. This amounted to about 400 men. On August 22, 1791, the lid blew off the colony. The day after the revolt, a party of French militia left the city on a reconnaissance mission. Only three or four returned, the rest having been slaughtered by the slaves. The returnees reported that the blacks carried as their flag the body of a white child impaled on a pike.

As the conflict expanded, poor whites often refused to fight the slaves, imagining that they would share in the plunder made possible by a general collapse of authority. Lacking the solid, unbreakable colour line of the British colonies, the French had left themselves open to class divisions. The better class of French planters, however, were not afraid to carry the war to the blacks. The planters may be criticized for their greed and cruelty, which did so much to incite the revolt, but when it exploded and their wives and children were in mortal danger, these men, wasted and decadent from years of luxury in the tropics, showed they still had some fight left. Hopelessly outnumbered, they fought the slaves to a standstill and managed to establish a fortified line that kept the rebels out of western Haiti. The line held for two years.

As fever and bullets chipped away at the defenders' strength, white renegades openly aided the slaves, as did many priests. Spanish officials in the neighbouring colony of Santo Domingo winked at contraband that provided the slaves with weapons. American sailing captains from New England also played a prominent role in this infamous trade. It wasn't long before Commissioners arrived from France to soothe the furies tearing the colony apart. All they accomplished was the final destruction of white rule. Slave leaders, like the dreaded "Candy," were appointed officials of the colonial government.

A black ruffian, who only months before was raping white women and torturing white planters to death, was to be treated as a respected equal and as one who must be obeyed. A certain Sieur Theron, a local planter and military leader, was in charge of a parish next to the one controlled by the monster Candy, notorious for having plucked out the eyes of white prisoners with a corkscrew. Theron shot off a letter to him, telling him that he was in no way the equal of any white man and never would be, adding that only the law forced them to have dealings with each other.

On April 4, 1792, the French Commissioners had promulgated a law which mandated racial equality. Candy demanded that it be enforced against Theron. A tribunal charged Theron with the crime of increasing race hostility," stripped him of his office and sent him to France for trial. In 1793 whites in Saint-Domingue were desperate. The French revolutionary authorities had placed themselves firmly on the side of the blacks. They ordered the slaves to crush any outbreak of white resistance. That was too much for most whites, who gave up and left with nothing but the shirts on their backs.

They were the lucky ones. What of the white refugees? Were they welcomed back in their old homeland? Having been indoctrinated by revolutionary propaganda to despise the colonists, the French people bled with sympathy for the slaves. Back in Saint-Domingue one of the few men of note that Haiti ever produced was preparing to take charge. Francois Dominique Toussaint, yclept Louverture, would become the founder of Haiti.

Born a slave and of pure African descent, he took no part in the initial revolt, only later joining slave gangs operating in the northern part of the country. It is said he lacked the cruelty of most of the slave leaders, which mayor may not be true. What is true is that Toussaint was the intellectual superior of his black brothers. His overriding goal was to turn Saint Domingue into a black country. By 1801 he held not just Saint Domingue, but also the Spanish colony of Santo Domingo within his ebony grasp. Toussaint was hardly in a position to relax and celebrate his victory, which amounted to virtual independence from France. Now he found himself up against his most dangerous enemy, Napoleon Bonaparte.

With superhuman energy Toussaint set about to strengthen Haiti and prepare it for the blow that was bound to come. He knew his people well. He was quite aware they would only work under the lash, that only long and arduous labour under the blistering sun would grow the crops that would pay for the weapons he needed and pay for the bribes that would keep his generals in line. He used his considerable personal charm to lure back exiled white colonists with a guarantee of an unlimited supply of docile field hands. Blacks who did not work or who objected to returning to the control of their former masters were buried alive or sawed in half.

One of Toussaint's commanders was his nephew, Moyse, a virulent hater of whites. Moyse sneered at the pro-white policies of his uncle and allowed his undisciplined troops so much liberty that they murdered several hundred whites who had been foolish enough to return to their estates. Toussaint acted swiftly and with characteristic ruthlessness. In an effort to reassure the whites, Moyse was shot, along with many of his unruly troops. Toussaint's rule won support from abroad. Some 25,000 muskets, 16 cannon and a mountain of other war materiel was soon on its way from New York. To make a dollar the Yankee trader would sell his wares to the devil himself. Napoleon eyed the situation with the unerring precision for which he was justly famous. Surrounded by advisers who were still mired in Jacobin ideology, the Corsican military genius considered their advice to play ball with Haiti's black ruler as so much humbug.

It was evident that many gullible Frenchmen actually believed the sententious proclamations of Toussaint and his supporters, who pretended they were loyal to France, loved the Republic and were holding Haiti in trust for the French. Napoleon would have none of it. He made up his mind, no matter what the cost, to restore French rule in France's richest colony. Napoleon refused to buy Toussaint's scenario of loyal black citizens of France, struggling to free themselves from corrupt aristocrats and greedy fortune-hunting whites, growing fat on the labour of sweating blacks. On the contrary, he viewed Saint Domingue as an immensely wealthy colony in the hands of a mob of murderous ex-slaves, who had committed untold outrages on white French men and women, as they went about establishing an independent state. He scorned the “Guilded African" Toussaint and had no time for French revolutionary nonsense about "equality."

Some might argue that Napoleon had no racial motives in his attempt to recapture and rehabilitate Saint Domingue, that he merely wanted to restore French authority and prestige. The very explicit instructions Napoleon gave to the general chosen to lead the expedition against Toussaint gives the lie to this theory.

Napoleon first sought to have Toussaint welcome the expeditionary force by repeating he had no intention of re-enslaving the blacks. French officials were to deal with the blacks as equals, flattering them and confirming them in their ranks and offices, all while undermining their authority and weakening their capacity to resist. Later everyone suspected of lending a hand to the battle for Haitian independence, including Toussaint, his generals, officials and white renegades, were. rounded up and packed off to prisons in France, Corsica or Guyana. White women, who prostituted themselves to blacks, were also scheduled for deportation.

But all of Napoleon's plans evaporated. Although Toussaint was sent to die in a French fortress, the French expedition was a failure, not, as so often claimed, because of heroic black resistance. That was easily dealt with by the French. Napoleon's army was defeated by a deadlier enemy-yellow fever. To make matters worse, war had been resumed with England. The British navy had cut off the French army's supplies and reinforcements. In November 1803 the last French troops left, wisely surrendering to a British naval force rather than to the crazed and triumphant blacks.

Darkness settled over blood-stained Haiti in early 1805. General Dessalines, the half-mad ex-slave, ordered a massacre of all whites. On April 25, 1805 he published the proclamation that officially established Haiti as a black state and banned whites forever from its shores. What happened in Haiti is just one example of how blacks react when they are given power over whites. Nothing should be spared to ensure that this should never be allowed to occur in any Western country. The white man who works hand-in-glove with blacks is lost, an abandoned soul. He must receive his just reward.

Haiti looms large in the current political scene. As I write, tens of thousands of starving, diseased, arrogant, crime-prone beggars would like to take to the high seas and head for Florida. These people are the descendants of the savages who drank White blood out of the skulls of murdered White children. Nothing in their history since then indicates that their manners, their morals and their attitude towards whites have improved.

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